Egyptian Media Regulation and Press Law

Egypt’s media landscape is governed by a complex framework of constitutional provisions, national laws, and international commitments. The 2014 Constitution guarantees freedom of thought, expression, and press, while also entrusting specific bodies with media oversight. Key national laws include the Press and Publications Law (No. 96 of 1996) and its amendments, the landmark Law No. 180 of 2018 on the Organization of Press and Media (commonly called the Media Law), and the Cybercrime Law (Law No. 175 of 2018). These statutes are supplemented by provisions of the Egyptian Penal Code (Law No. 58 of 1937) that criminalize defamation, insult to religion and state, and the spread of false news. International treaties – notably the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR) – also bind Egypt to protect freedom of information and expression. For example, Article 9 of the ACHPR guarantees the right “to receive information” and “to express and disseminate [one’s] opinions within the law”, and Egypt has ratified the ICCPR (Art. 19) with similar free-expression guarantees.

• Constitutional Guarantees (2014 Constitution): Article 65 guarantees freedom of opinion and expression, while Articles 70–72 specifically secure “freedom of the press and printing” and prohibit censorship of newspapers and media except in wartime. These provisions allow any Egyptian (individual or legal person) to own or establish a media outlet. Article 71 explicitly bans any form of suspension or shutdown of Egyptian media outlets, reflecting a constitutional bar on state censorship. The Constitution also mandates the state to ensure media independence and neutrality (Art.72) and to impose only proportionate penalties for incitement or defamation as defined by law.

• Press and Publications Law (1996): Originally designed to regulate print media, Law No. 96/1996 (as amended) still applies to newspapers and periodicals. It requires publishers to register with the Egyptian Press Authority (now under the National Press Authority) and obtain a license, and it imposes content restrictions (e.g. banning libel, obscenity, or material undermining “social peace”). Many of its provisions have been superseded or incorporated into later laws, but it remains a reference for print media licensing and standards.

• Press and Media Law (Law 180 of 2018): This comprehensive law reorganized Egypt’s media sector. Enacted in 2018 and enforced from 2020, it established new regulatory bodies and tightened content rules. For example, Article 5 of Law 180/2018 flatly prohibits any media outlet (press, TV, radio, online, etc.) from publishing material that incites violence, hatred, or discrimination, or that violates public morals or national security. The law explicitly bans “false news” and broadcasts “calls to break the law,” and forbids content encouraging religious contempt or undermining the democratic order. It also extended regulation to digital media and personal pages: any website or social media account with over 5,000 followers is treated as a “media outlet” requiring registration and compliance. The law empowers the newly created Supreme Council for Media Regulation (SCMR) to enforce these rules – including ordering removal of prohibited content and even blocking websites that violate the law.

• Cybercrime Law (Law 175 of 2018): Egypt’s Cybercrime Law tackles online offenses. Under Article 7, it allows the public prosecutor (with judicial approval) to order websites blocked if they pose an “endangerment” to national security or the economy. Police may also request emergency blocks via the National Telecom Regulatory Authority (NTRA) for immediate threats. In practice, this law is often used alongside media law to censor online content. Its broad language (e.g. “disturbing public order” or “social peace”) has drawn criticism for enabling internet censorship.

• Egyptian Penal Code (Law 58 of 1937): This Criminal Code contains several media-related offenses. Notably, Article 179 makes “insulting the President” a crime (punishable by prison). Article 102(bis) criminalizes “diffusing false or tendentious rumors” that can disturb public security or harm public interests. Other provisions punish defamation of religion (e.g. Art. 98(f) forbids “defaming a heavenly religion” or “insulting Islam,” with up to 5 years’ imprisonment), as well as general defamation (Arts. 303–307), which, unlike most democracies, remains a criminal offense. Human rights observers note that these penal code articles are frequently used to prosecute journalists and bloggers for critical or controversial speech, often in conflict with Egypt’s obligations under international free-expression standards.

• International Conventions: Egypt has ratified the ICCPR (1982) and the African Charter (1989), both of which protect freedom of expression. In theory, these treaties bar laws that would censor the press or punish non-violent criticism. (Egypt also joined UNESCO and the Arab Charter on Human Rights, which affirm media rights.) In practice, Egypt’s media laws contain exceptions for “national security,” public order, and morality that are often justified under these broad treaty exceptions. Nevertheless, international law provides a backdrop: for example, UN human rights bodies have criticized Egypt’s criminal defamation laws as inconsistent with ICCPR Art.19. The African Commission has similarly emphasized the right “to receive information” and to express one’s opinions, suggesting that sweeping censorship measures (like shutting down entire websites) exceed what international law permits.

Regulatory Authorities

Egypt’s media is overseen by a constellation of new regulatory bodies and existing agencies. The principal regulators are:

• Supreme Council for Media Regulation (SCMR): Established by Law 180/2018 and staffed in 2017, the SCMR is the main regulator for all private media outlets (print, broadcast, and digital). Its mandate (outlined in Art. 62–74 of Law 180/2018) is to formulate media policy, license media services, and enforce content rules in the public interest. In practice, the SCMR wields broad powers. It can grant or deny licenses to TV and radio channels, websites, and online platforms, set technical standards, and impose administrative sanctions. Uniquely, the SCMR – not the courts – can issue “censorship directives” ordering news outlets to alter or take down content. Its orders can be appealed only to the State Council’s Administrative Court. The SCMR has authority to block or suspend any media outlet (including websites and social-media pages) that violates laws against hate speech, false news, or national-security offences. In short, the SCMR is Egypt’s media policeman: its decisions directly regulate what can be published or broadcast. (The composition of the SCMR is itself political: its 13 members are appointed by the President from nominees put forward by media syndicates, the legislature, and the universities, giving the executive branch heavy influence.)

• National Press Authority (NPA): Enshrined in the Constitution (Art. 212) and established by Law No. 179 of 2018, the NPA supervises all state-owned print media institutions. Its role is to manage and develop government newspapers and press agencies, and to modernize and ensure the independence of state press. Under Law 179/2018 (Art. 7), the NPA is headed by a president (appointed by the President of the Republic) and a board that includes members of the State Council, the Finance Ministry, national press organizations, and public figures. The NPA oversees budgets, approves transfers of ownership, and can restructure or merge state print outlets. Importantly, the NPA – not the old Ministry of Information – now handles matters like press licenses for newspapers and magazines (though private papers are regulated by SCMR). In short, the NPA is the government’s instrument for managing its own media, aiming (theoretically) for neutrality and professional standards, as required by the Constitution.

• National Media Authority (NMA): Also a constitutional creation (Art. 213) and set up by Law No. 178 of 2018, the NMA took over from the old Egyptian Radio and Television Union (ERTU) as the operator of all state-owned broadcast outlets (TV and radio). The NMA is tasked with managing state television stations (like Nile TV) and radio (e.g. Voice of the Arabs), developing new state channels, and ensuring these channels follow “good professional and administrative standards”. Like the NPA, the NMA’s leadership is appointed by the President (one-third of its board members, including the chair, are presidential appointees). Thus, the NMA directs government broadcasting, again nominally under rules of neutrality in the Constitution, but in practice it reflects the state’s positions. The NMA (along with NPA) technically answers to the SCMR as of 2018; the new laws give SCMR the power to oversee state media too, further concentrating media control.

• Other Agencies: The Ministry of Communications and Information Technology (MCIT) and its affiliate, the National Telecommunication Regulatory Authority (NTRA), play a role in digital media regulation. For example, when websites are blocked under the Cybercrime Law or media law, the NTRA executes the technical block order (sometimes with Deep Packet Inspection). The MCIT also works on cybersecurity and often supports enforcement of online content rules. The State Information Service (SIS) and the now-defunct Ministry of Information have more of a propaganda role and can issue guidelines to media, but formal licensing and legal oversight now rest with the SCMR. Finally, the Egyptian Press Syndicate (the journalists’ union) controls journalist accreditation: by law, only syndicate members can legally practice journalism, so it vets and certifies reporters (Egyptian and foreign) – effectively giving it a gatekeeping role for press credentials.

• General Authority for Investment (GAFI): While not a “media” regulator per se, GAFI oversees company registration. All media companies (even non-media business entities) must be registered with GAFI to operate in Egypt. In particular, any TV or radio broadcaster must form an Egyptian company (often in the GAFI-administered Media City Free Zone) to obtain a license. This means foreign and domestic investors must go through GAFI, which helps enforce foreign ownership limits (see below).

Obtaining and Managing Media Licenses

Under current law, any media activity in Egypt requires a government license. The rules, especially after 2018, are very strict:

• Who needs a license: All traditional media outlets (newspapers, magazines, TV channels, radio stations) must be licensed. New rules extend licensing even to internet media: every website that “disseminates press, media or advertising content” must be licensed by the SCMR. This includes online news sites and blogs – in fact, the law expressly requires anyone “who wishes to create or operate any ‘website’” (defined broadly) to get SCMR approval, regardless of the content’s nature. Personal blogs or social-media pages become subject to regulation if they have large followings (over 5,000), under Law 180/2018.

• Application process: To obtain a license for a TV/radio station or major digital service, one must apply to the SCMR under its Licensing Regulation (issued by Decree No. 26 of 2020). The process typically requires: incorporation as an Egyptian legal entity (usually a company formed through GAFI in Egypt); meeting minimum capital requirements (e.g. EGP 5–50 million depending on the service type); security clearance for owners; and payment of hefty licensing fees. SCMR rules mandate an initial license term of five years (renewable upon review). For example, the license to operate a news channel requires at least EGP 5 million capital, and to distribute satellite content requires EGP 50 million capital (plus NTRA approval). Importantly, if the outlet is foreign-owned or international, additional conditions apply (see below), and a local representative office must be set up.

• Newspaper and Online Press Licenses: Licensing of print media now falls under the SCMR as well. Under the new law, anyone wanting to establish a newspaper must “legitimize” their status by complying with Law 180/2018 and its regulations. Historically, obtaining a press license in Egypt was notoriously difficult (requiring security vetting and multiple approvals). Today the process involves notifying SCMR, submitting company and content details, and meeting capital guarantees (e.g. a cash deposit of EGP 500,000–1,000,000 for private papers). No one may issue a newspaper or print publication without going through SCMR; publishing foreign newspapers also requires SCMR permission under strict conditions (e.g. a local distributor and content-blocking system). Failure to obtain or renew the required license (for any media form) carries severe penalties.

• Foreign Journalist Accreditation: Separately from outlet licensing, foreign reporters must register with the authorities. By longstanding rule (and often enforced under Press Law and Press Syndicate regulations), every foreign correspondent in Egypt needs accreditation from the State Information Service or the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and must join the Press Syndicate. They cannot legally report for foreign media without this permit. In practice, embassies often coordinate with the Egyptian Foreign Press Center (under SIS) to issue press visas and IDs to foreign journalists. Without accreditation, a journalist risks deportation or fines.

• Suspension and Revocation: Yes, licenses can be suspended or revoked. Under Law 180/2018 and old Press Law provisions, the regulatory authorities (SCMR or NPA) can suspend or cancel a media outlet’s license if it violates the law. Grounds for such measures include repeated breaches of content rules (e.g. publishing incitement, “false news,” or obscene material), operating without a proper license in the first place, or violating the licensing terms (such as ownership limits). For example, the SCMR has the power to block a website or suspend a channel’s license if it finds unlawful content. State-owned outlets managed by NPA/NMA are also subject to discipline if they stray from legal standards. Administrative penalties range from fines to outright shutdown. The 2018 Media Law explicitly allows the SCMR to “take appropriate measures” – including suspending or withdrawing licenses – against violators. In practice, authorities have revoked or banned media outlets and foreign publications at times for purported legal violations.

Content Restrictions and Online Media

Egypt’s media law imposes strict content controls. Broadly prohibited are:

• Incitement of violence or hatred, including sectarian or racial hate.

• Calls to break the law or undermine public order.

• “False news” and rumors that can disturb society or national security.

• Discrimination or contempt toward religion or public figures.

• Obscenity or attacks on public morals. For instance, Article 19 of Law 180/2018 explicitly bans media content that “incites violence, hatred or discrimination” or harms public morals or security. Likewise, Article 5 forbids “promoting contempt for religion” or “publishing matter hostile to democracy”. These provisions apply not only to traditional media but also to online content: any blog, Facebook page, or YouTube channel falling under the media definition must censor itself accordingly.

To monitor and enforce these rules online, Egyptian authorities employ both legal and technical means. Under the Cybercrime Law (Art.7), prosecutors can order ISPs to block offending websites (with later court approval). Under the Media Law, the SCMR itself can order sites or social pages offline. The law even imposes obligations on platforms: Social media and digital platforms must comply with takedown orders for “unlawful content,” remove incitement within 24–72 hours upon request, and report repeat offenders. In practice, the Supreme Council has ordered the blocking of dozens of news and political websites (Mada Masr, Al-Manassa, etc.) on grounds such as publishing “false news” or “unethical” election coverage. Human Rights organizations challenge these blocks as overreach, but the legal authority is clear: SCMR can direct NTRA or ISPs to cut off any offending site.

Social media accounts are also swept into this framework. Law 180/2018 stipulates that any personal social-media page with over 5,000 followers is considered akin to a media outlet and must abide by the same rules. This means individual influencers or bloggers who reach a large audience risk legal sanction if they post banned content. Coupled with Cybercrime Law provisions, this effectively subjects most political expression online to tight scrutiny.

Political coverage during elections is a particularly sensitive area. Egyptian election laws and media regulations aim for “balanced and accurate” reporting. Official guidelines (and sometimes SCMR directives) require media to give equal opportunity to all candidates. In practice, however, authorities regularly intervene if coverage is perceived as critical. During recent elections, the government blocked sites and warned journalists for reporting alleged irregularities. The SCMR has publicly sanctioned outlets for election “violations.” Thus, while there are no detailed new written rules on campaign coverage beyond general press law provisions, the state’s enforcement of existing content laws (no false news, no insult to institutions, etc.) becomes an indirect way to police election reporting.

Ownership, Foreign Investment, and Monopoly Prevention

Egypt tightly controls who can own media outlets. Foreign investment in Egyptian media is severely limited. Under the new Media Law, no non-Egyptian individual or entity may hold a share that grants management control of any media outlet. In practice, this means foreigners can at most be passive minority investors in a media company; all controlling interest must be Egyptian. Even among Egyptians, ownership is restricted: each person or group can own only one newspaper. Transfers of media ownership (such as selling or merging outlets) require prior SCMR approval, adding another layer of oversight.

Media-specific caps also curb concentration. For broadcast media, the Media Law caps cross-ownership: one company cannot own more than seven TV channels, one general/news channel, one radio network, etc. For example, a single media company may not launch more than seven satellite channels or more than one news channel. These limits are intended to prevent a single media conglomerate from dominating the airwaves. Newspapers have similar rules: an Egyptian can control only one newspaper and hold no stake in another’s management. These restrictions (Egyptians owning only one paper, foreigners barred from ownership) aim at transparency and diversity. Notably, all media owners must disclose their identities and company details in their license applications, and SCMR has transparency requirements to list ownership for public scrutiny.

All media companies must register as businesses in Egypt, usually through GAFI. GAFI’s oversight means that even media ventures by foreigners involve Egyptian-registered companies. Thus, the General Investment Authority serves as a gatekeeper: it enforces the media-specific foreign ownership rules by refusing licenses to companies that violate them.

Media and Human Rights

Egypt’s media regulation regime is framed as protecting social harmony and national security, but it has serious implications for human rights. Freedom of expression is a fundamental right under both the Egyptian Constitution and Egypt’s treaty obligations (ICCPR, ACHPR). However, domestic laws permit extensive restrictions. Journalists and media outlets are often prosecuted under criminal laws (Penal Code Articles 179, 102bis, etc.) for content that would be protected speech elsewhere. Human-rights groups argue that Egypt’s defamation and cyber laws (criminalizing “insults” and “false news”) contravene international standards by imposing draconian penalties on speech.

In recent years, dozens of journalists and content creators have been arrested or tried under these laws. The Egyptian Journalists’ Syndicate acknowledges cases of arrests for alleged false news or insults. Even without imprisonment, media outlets face civil or criminal lawsuits, heavy fines, and equipment confiscation for perceived violations. The state often justifies these actions under “preventing terrorism” or “protecting national security,” but observers see them as tools to stifle dissent. In a 2020 statement, Egyptian and international NGOs denounced the scale of website blocking and warned that it violates Egypt’s constitutional prohibition on censorship and international free-expression norms.

On the other hand, defenders of regulation point to constitutional and legal safeguards. The 2014 Constitution’s Articles 70–72 promise a free press and bar censorship. Journalists may form independent syndicates and the state is formally barred from arbitrary suspension of media. In practice, though, the continued use of penal sanctions and emergency powers often nullifies these guarantees. Nevertheless, any media regulation policy in Egypt must be viewed in light of this tension: between the constitution’s lofty language on press freedom and the realities of the post-2013 legal order.

FAQs

• What laws regulate the media in Egypt?

   The Egyptian media is governed by a combination of constitutional provisions and sectoral laws. Key statutes include the 2014 Constitution (Arts. 65–72) which grants freedom of expression and press, the Press and Publications Law (No. 96/1996) for print media, Law No. 180 of 2018 on Press, Media, and the SCMR (the modern media law), and Law No. 175 of 2018 (cybercrime and online content). These are reinforced by select provisions of the Penal Code criminalizing defamation, blasphemy (Art. 98(f)), and false news. Together, they form the legal framework for all media activity in Egypt.

• How does the Egyptian Constitution address media and press freedom? 

  The 2014 Constitution explicitly guarantees broad media freedoms: Article 65 protects free expression, Article 70 guarantees freedom of the press and the right to own media outlets, and Article 71 prohibits any censorship or suspension of media except in wartime. Article 72 requires the state to ensure press institutions remain independent and neutral. In practice, however, the Constitution also allows penalties “as specified by law” for hate speech or incitement, which has been interpreted to uphold Egypt’s media laws. (Egypt’s constitution has been cited in court to assert the need for some media regulation, even as it nominally vows press freedom.)

• Does international law affect media regulation in Egypt? 

  Yes. Egypt is party to the ICCPR and the African Charter, both of which enshrine freedom of expression. These treaties obligate Egypt not to unduly restrict speech or censor the press. For example, the UN Human Rights Committee’s general comment on ICCPR Article 19 condemns blanket bans on media. In theory, international law limits Egypt’s domestic regulation: any restrictions on media must be “provided by law” and necessary for a legitimate aim (national security, etc.). In practice, however, Egypt maintains broad exceptions and often argues that its laws meet those international standards (though many observers disagree). The tension between Egypt’s treaty commitments and its media laws is a subject of ongoing debate among legal scholars and rights groups.

• Who regulates the media in Egypt?

   Media in Egypt is regulated by multiple bodies. The Supreme Council for Media Regulation (SCMR) is the chief regulator for private media, overseeing licensing and content for newspapers, TV, radio, and online outlets. The National Press Authority (NPA) manages state-owned print media, while the National Media Authority (NMA) manages state-owned broadcast media. The Ministry of Communications & IT (and its NTRA) handle technical aspects of digital media (like website blocking), and the Egyptian Press Syndicate controls journalist accreditation. In summary, SCMR, NPA, NMA, MCIT/NTRA, and GAFI (for company registration) are the main regulators of different parts of the media sector.

• What is the role of the Supreme Council for Media Regulation (SCMR)? 

  The SCMR (established under Law 180/2018) is empowered to “protect society, the audience and press practice” and to “devise and implement the media strategy” of the state. It grants licenses for all private media services (newspapers, TV channels, digital platforms), issues regulations and codes of practice, and enforces content rules. Critically, the SCMR can compel media outlets to alter or remove content; it can even order websites blocked or shut down if they violate the law. The SCMR operates through administrative decrees – for instance, it can issue censorship directives and its license decisions can only be appealed to an administrative court. In effect, the SCMR is the top media policy-maker and censor for Egypt’s private media, with sweeping powers granted by Article 180/2018 and its executive regulations.

• How does the National Press Authority oversee state-owned press? 

  The NPA’s role, as defined by the Constitution (Art.212) and Law 179/2018, is to manage and develop all state-owned newspapers and magazines. It is charged with modernizing these outlets, ensuring their neutrality and independence (in theory), and upholding professional standards. The NPA appoints editors of government papers, sets budgets for state press institutions, and can merge or reorganize them. Its board includes representatives from the judiciary, finance ministry, and press groups, but its head is selected by the President. While independent on paper, the NPA effectively executes government media policy in print – for example, approving or halting articles on behalf of the state press.

• How do you obtain a media license in Egypt?

   To launch a media outlet, an entity must apply to the SCMR under the Licensing Regulation. The basic steps are: register a company in Egypt (often via GAFI’s media free zone); prepare a license application with company statutes, financial guarantees, and content plans; obtain any required technical clearances (e.g. NTRA approval for broadcast); and pay license fees (which can reach hundreds of thousands of Egyptian pounds). Applicants must meet the capital requirements (often millions of EGP) and owner-eligibility rules (no foreign controlling shareholders). For example, an Egyptian TV channel license requires at least EGP 5 million authorized capital and NTRA consent. The SCMR then reviews the application; if approved, it issues a five-year license (renewable). All existing media outlets had to “legitimize” their status by re-applying or registering under these rules by 2020. Without a license, any media operation (TV, radio, website, etc.) is illegal, and operating unlicensed media carries heavy fines (1–3 million EGP) and forced shutdown.

• Do foreign journalists need accreditation in Egypt? 

  Yes. Foreign journalists must obtain official accreditation and a press visa. Under Egyptian regulations, every foreign correspondent must be registered with the Egyptian Press Syndicate and approved by the State Information Service. Practically, this means a foreign reporter for an overseas news outlet needs an SIS-issued press card or visa before they can legally report from inside Egypt. This system allows the government to monitor foreign media and revoke credentials at will. (Local law does not explicitly ban foreign journalists, but in practice the accreditation requirement is strictly enforced. Famous cases include expulsion of reporters for “breaching visa rules.”)

• Can media licenses be suspended or revoked in Egypt?

   Absolutely. Licenses may be suspended or revoked if the outlet violates the law or the terms of its license. Under the Media Law, the SCMR (or NPA/NMA for state outlets) can order an outlet closed, suspended, or blocked for offenses such as publishing prohibited content (e.g. hate speech, terrorism propaganda), failing to pay fees, or breaking ownership rules. For instance, the SCMR has suspended newspaper licenses and blocked satellite channels in response to specific program content. License revocation is an administrative measure; affected outlets can technically appeal to the courts, but in practice such appeals rarely succeed. Thus, licensed media operate under the constant threat of shutdown if regulators deem them to have committed a serious infraction.

• What content is restricted by media regulators in Egypt?

   Media regulators enforce a long list of content restrictions. In general, the Media Law forbids outlets from airing or publishing material that:

  • Incites violence or hatred among citizens.

  • Promotes discrimination or sectarian strife.

  • Defames or insults religion (blasphemy).

  • Attacks the state or public figures (for example, criticizes the president or state institutions in insulting terms).

  • Disseminates “false news” or rumors that harm the public interest.

  • Contains pornography or extreme obscenity (often vaguely defined as “violating public morals”).

  • Breaches national security or promotes banned organizations. Any content falling into these categories can lead to criminal prosecution under Penal Code Articles 179, 102bis, and others, as well as administrative penalties by the SCMR. In practice, this means media outlets often self-censor on political coverage, religious subjects, and even social taboos, out of fear of crossing the regulators’ vague lines.

• How does Egypt regulate political coverage during elections? 

  Egyptian law (drawing on the Press Law and election laws) requires media to provide balanced coverage of all candidates. Broadcasters and newspapers are expected to report impartially and without propaganda for one side. In practice, however, regulators monitor election reporting closely. The SCMR and electoral authorities set guidelines that media must follow – for example, no inflammatory rhetoric, and equal airtime for candidates. If these rules are deemed violated (or if authorities simply dislike the coverage), regulators have intervened: they have blocked websites reporting on alleged fraud and threatened sanctions against outlets for “unethical” election coverage. There is no special “election media license,” but the government uses its general content laws to police election reporting. Campaign speeches on TV are often heavily vetted by the Electoral Commission. In summary, while Egypt claims to allow media scrutiny of elections, in reality stringent regulations and informal pressure severely limit critical or investigative election coverage.

• Can foreigners own media outlets in Egypt? 

  Foreign ownership of Egyptian media is largely prohibited in terms of control. By law, no foreign individual or entity may hold a majority stake or management control in any media outlet. For newspapers, non-Egyptians cannot hold any share that gives them the right to manage the publication. For radio/TV, foreigners cannot hold a “majority share” or any stake that yields management rights. This means, effectively, that foreign investors can only be passive minority shareholders. Combined with the requirement that all media firms be registered in Egypt, these rules ensure that ultimate control remains with Egyptian citizens. (There is some nuance: foreign-owned satellite channels broadcasting into Egypt without a local license often operate from abroad, but they face the risk of being blocked domestically if they flout Egypt’s rules.)

• Are there ownership restrictions for newspapers and TV channels in Egypt? 

  Yes. Media law sets strict caps on how many outlets one owner can have. For print media, an Egyptian person or company is allowed to own only one newspaper (and only one shareholding in a second paper). For audiovisual media, each media company may own at most seven satellite TV channels, one general/news channel, and one radio station. These limits are meant to prevent monopolies. The law also requires public disclosure of ownership and share structures during the licensing process, adding a layer of transparency. In enforcement, the SCMR reviews ownership stakes regularly and has the power to force divestitures if someone breaches the caps.

• How is media monopoly prevented in Egypt? 

  Besides the numerical caps above, the state has other anti-monopoly measures. Most media enterprises must list all partners and shareholders to the SCMR, enabling scrutiny of cross-ownership. The SCMR can block mergers or acquisitions that would concentrate too much control. For example, if two big media companies tried to merge and exceed the channel limit, SCMR could refuse the transaction. There are no independent competition regulators specifically for media, but competition law also applies in theory. In practice, preventing monopoly also relies on political will: the government is cautious about creating a single privately-owned media powerhouse, and tends to keep media ownership spread across pro-government groups. The structural limits (one owner–one newspaper, limited channels per group) are the main built-in safeguards.

• Can journalists face criminal charges in Egypt? 

  Yes. Journalists and editors can be prosecuted as criminals for their reporting. As noted, the Penal Code criminalizes a range of offenses that can apply to journalism: “insulting the president” (Art. 179), spreading “false news” harmful to national security (Art. 102(bis)), defamation of religion (Art. 98(f)), and ordinary defamation (Arts. 303–307). In many landmark cases, journalists have been jailed under these laws for articles deemed critical of the government. The Press Law also contains its own criminal sanctions for press offenses (e.g. Arts. 6–8 of Law 96/1996 allow imprisonment for repeated violations). In short, a reporter in Egypt risks criminal fines or imprisonment if authorities declare his or her work falls outside the narrow legal boundaries set by law. This legal risk is a powerful deterrent on independent journalism.

Key takeaways: The legal environment in Egypt is heavily tilted toward state control of media. Content restrictions cover virtually all politically or socially sensitive topics, licensing is mandatory for all media formats, and both ownership and speech by media professionals are tightly regulated. International norms and the Egyptian Constitution provide for press freedom in principle, but Egypt’s detailed media laws (with specified years and articles) carve out broad exceptions. As a result, actual press freedom in Egypt is very limited by comparison with those guarantees.